Jersey City Mayor Steven Fulop blasted Frank Hague and Tammany Hall politics in an amicus brief opposing county lines filed with the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit late this morning.
By John Heinis/Hudson County View
“Fulop, as an individual, has personally competed in nonpartisan elections that use office-block ballots, as well as ones that involve the county line,” Fulop’s election law attorney, Scott Salmon, wrote in the 23-page brief.
“Given his upset election over a two-time incumbent in 2013 using office-block ballots, an election result that would be almost impossible if county line ballots were used, as well as his departure from the 2017 gubernatorial campaign because of those ballots, he has unique experience in this matter not addressed by any other party.”
Fulop, a Democrat who announced a gubernatorial run about a year ago, came out against county lines back in the fall, and in February, entertained the possibility of running without party lines in the June 3rd, 2025 primary if other candidates join him.
Since then, U.S. District Court Judge Zahid Quraishi granted emergency injunctive relief in a case spearheaded by U.S. Rep. Andy Kim (D-3), now the frontrunner in the Senate race.
As of this writing, county lines remain for GOP candidates in the June 4th primary after counsel for the Morris County Republicans argued that relief could not be granted if it not requested (all the plaintiffs were Democrats).
That decision is being appealed, while the Morris County GOP, New Jersey Republican Chairs Association, Camden County Democratic Committee, and the Middlesex County Democratic Organization are fighting to preserve county organizational lines next year.
According to Fulop, through Salmon, that would be equivalent to preserving some of the most corrupt administrations in American history.
“Whether it was Tammany Hall in New York or Nucky Johnson in Atlantic City, Frank Hague ran neither the first nor the last political machine in history, and the current county line system that is in place is just its latest version,” the amicus brief wrote.
“Each of the various county parties (on both sides of the spectrum) serves as its steward and helps propagate its inequities. This system, through the combination of bracketing under N.J.S.A. 19:49-2 and the preferential ballot placement awarded to such slates under N.J.S.A. 19:23-24 and N.J.S.A. 19:23-26.1 places a significant burden on voting rights, while failing to further any legitimate government interest.”
The brief also pushed back against the notion that the MCDO is a “diverse and progressive organization,” noting that four of their five representatives in the state Senate are straight, white men, with the same to be said for six of their 10 state Assembly representatives.
Furthermore, they push back against the claim that the county line system has a “legitimate government interest,” noting that New Jersey Attorney General Matthew Platkin came out against the line system prior to Quraishi’s initial decision.
“One of the most legendary political machines in American history was run by William ‘Boss’ Tweed, of Tammany Hall fame. More than 150 years ago, he gave us an ominous warning of which this Court should take heed, when he said, ‘I don’t care who does the electing, so long as I get to do the nominating.’ Susan Welch, UNDERSTANDING AMERICAN GOVERNMENT: THE ESSENTIALS 181 (2009),” Salmon concluded.
“In other words, he who controls the nomination process controls the electorate. It is long past time for the nomination process to be returned to the people, where it belongs, and the age of Boss Tweed, Frank Hague, and all other political machines put to rest. The appeal should be denied.”
In a post on X, Fulop further chided the practices of the MCDO and their chairman, Kevin McCabe, reemphasizing the point that the line does not actually perpetuate democracy.
“Beyond my personal experience with lines/no lines in the amicus brief – the biggest bull**** from the @ChairmanMcCabe brief is that somehow the line empowers democracy,” he wrote.
“Just look at their state senate delegation despite a diverse county – 5/5 White, 80% white males. This is the most powerful legislative branch in NJ that controls judges and appointments.”
